Army chief race turns murky as allegations fly

Army chief in waiting - Lt Gen Bikram Singh



Army chief race turns murky as allegations fly
Josy Joseph, TNN Jan 11, 2012, 04.15AM IST
Lt Gen Bikram Singh is likely to become the Chief of Army Staff after Gen VK Singh retires because he is the senior-most officer in the Indian Army and the government rarely deviates from the seniority principle in deciding the Army chief.
NEW DELHI: Just when the controversy over the age of Army chief Gen V K Singh is beginning to die down, a set of allegations have cropped up against his likely successor Lt Gen Bikram Singh, making the issue of who should head the world's second largest standing army a murky affair.

Most serious of the complaints against Lt Gen Bikram Singh is a decade-old, and concerns an encounter in Kashmir on March 1, 2001. Lt Gen Bikram Singh, then a brigadier heading counter-insurgency operations in the area, was injured and a colonel killed. A local NGO 'Youth Empowerment Services of Kashmir' has been petitioning various authorities in Delhi and in Kashmir countering Army's claim that the operation resulted in the killing of a foreign militant named Mateen Chacha.

The group has alleged that the deceased was actually a 70-year-old local named Abdullah Bhat, a resident of Machil, Kupwara, who was shown as a foreign militant. The NGO has not dropped its campaign despite the clean chit to Lt Gen Bikram Singh from the local police.

In what may appear to be part of a chain, an MP has also written to the prime minister questioning Lt Gen Bikram Singh's suitability to lead the Army on the ground that his daughter in-law is from Pakistan. The intelligence establishment, approached by the PMO, gave an all-clear to Lt General Bikram Singh but this has not spelt respite for him.

There are also anonymous complaints doing the rounds about Lt Gen Bikram Singh's posting in African on a UN peacekeeping mission, and failure to contain disciplinary breaches by some Indian Army soldiers. Some members of an Indian Army battalion are accused of fathering children, by illegal sexual contacts with local women, while they were posted in Africa.

There are three possible scenarios that heighten concerns within the government about the succession battle. One, if Gen V K Singh retires as per the government records, then Lt Gen Bikram Singh could be announced as the next chief by March 31. If Gen VK Singh were to continue until 2013, then Lt Gen KT Parnaik, who is heading the Northern Army Command, would be the senior-most officer in line.

In case Gen VK Singh resigns abruptly in the coming weeks, before the government announces Lt Gen Bikram Singh as the new chief, then there could a further twist to the succession battle. Given the complexities of the scenario, government sources said they were warily watching allegations being flung around.
Army chief race turns murky as allegations fly

Comment: The Indian Army Chief to succeed Gen VK Singh should be above board. The succession plan plotted by Bureaucrats should be examined, shelved and mischief makers brought to book.

Congo, Pakistan, and the Indian Army Chief imbroglio

Congo, Pakistan, and the Indian Army Chief imbroglio
Sandhya Jain
09 Jan 2012
The scandalous conduct of some Indian members of the UN Peacekeeping Mission in Congo, under the command of the then Major General Bikram Singh, may translate into major embarrassment for India at various international forums if the government abides by a covert ‘line of succession’ hinted by the Attorney General in his rather vacuous ‘opinion’ on the matter.
Islamabad (with helpful nudges from Beijing and other capitals reworking their ‘interests’ in the Asia-Pacific region) can be expected to exploit all propaganda about human rights violations in India – particularly in Jammu and Kashmir – to the hilt.
New Delhi should, in the circumstances, consider if the J&K Government’s decision to demand and continue to push for withdrawal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act from the State has been externally inspired by forces hoping to take advantage of Indian discomfort in the human rights arena.
Pertinent in connection with the ‘line of succession’ school of thought is the fact that the next in the line of succession, Lt Gen Bikram Singh, has a Pakistani daughter-in-law. While the lady may now be a naturalized Indian citizen (like Congress president Sonia Gandhi), the fact remains that Lt Gen Bikram Singh has had Pakistani relatives at critical phases of his service, and will continue to have Pakistani relatives at the peak of his career and beyond. This is not to cast any aspersions on the highly respected soldier, but it would be an understatement to say that the issue is causing grave concern in many quarters.
The Centre would in fact do well to review its whimsical policy on the matter of officers of the diplomatic and military services having foreign wives/spouses. In an era when the intelligence agencies of major nations are actively pursuing their strategic goals, the presence of foreign spouses entrenched in establishments where they have official duties is most undesirable.
As for Congo, it is a blot on the Indian Army’s glorious tradition of valour and gallantry in foreign lands, especially in UN Peacekeeping Missions. In 2007-08, the UN complained of the 6 Sikh Battalion fathering children with “distinctive Indian features,” which were reportedly confirmed by DNA tests conducted by UN in Durla, Congo. The allegations of misconduct cover 12 officers and 39 jawans, who reportedly paid minor girls in North Kivu for sex. The Congolese government further alleged that some Indian peacekeepers, instead of helping to protect civilians from violent militias, fraternized with rebel Tutsi general Laurent Nkunda.
The matter now rests with an army court of inquiry (CoI) in Meerut, which will share its findings with the UN as per rules. Army sources say a separate inquiry is going on against the unit’s commanding officer for failure to maintain discipline.
Chronicle of a Date of Birth: click here
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UN: Tackle Wrongdoing by Peacekeepers

Tailpiece
How was Gold and Ivory Smuggled? Through diplomatic bags and cipher couriers? In connivance with unscrupulous MoD bureaucrats and Army Brass- earlier 2 chiefs are accountable? The enquiries will make a scapegoat of a few down the rung "Jawans". The real culprits who smuggled and made illegal money will go Scot free! The Commanding Officer and senior Commanders- The so called UN Peace Keepers must be brought to book. A committee comprising a Brigadier and two Colonels had been tasked to investigate 6th Sikh Battalion. UN has reported involvement of Indian contingents in sexual abuse not only in Congo but also in Sudan, Liberia, Ethiopia, and Sierra Leone. Other than that, Indian soldiers have been involved in smuggling of narcotics and weapons. What is the outcome of the enquiry?

John Hislop's reminiscences of the Jat Regiment- 1933 to 1947

Review for the Sandhurst Foundation
ln the summer of 1956, Field Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck opened the R.M.A Sandhurst's Indian Army Memorial Room with its fine stained glass commemorative windows. Before a large gathering of forrner lndian Army officers, with one of whom I was staying as a guest, "the Auk" gave a message which few present will ever have forgotten, a message telling us to look back on the lndian Army with pride for its splendid achievements, but that its era was now over, history, and nostalgia would serve no purpose.

John Hislop's reminiscences, edited by his daughter Penny Kocher, follow "the Auk's" counsel excellently. After passing out from Sandhurst in 1933 Hislop served in lndia with the 9th Jat Regiment and in staff appointments until the end of British rule in 1947. His various chapters cover service in the golden years before 1939, operations on the North-West Frontier and in Burma in the Second World War, and the turmoil of the final two years before independence.

Readers will leam much interesting detail about operations in Waziristan and Baluchistan before the outbreak of war, tactics needed for protection on long marches - an officer in charge of a flanking picquet might find himself moving over thirty miles per day over mountainous ground for several consecutive days, and all the problems of food supply and water. ln 1942-43, as protection as much because of anxiety over a possible German invasion via a defeated Soviet Union as of local insurgents, the equivalent of five divisions were engaged in operations in the North-West Frontier provinces. Hislop was then moved to the even more dfficult conditions of Burma, fighting the Japanese in the unfamiliar conditions of sticky heat, only a few roads and these very poor, rain, lush jungle and leeches.

Perhaps most interesting of all, though, is the author's description of how the lndian Army actually worked; the Jat Regiment battalions, for example, were structured around two companies of Hindu Jats, one company of Punjabi Moslems and one company of Musulman Rajputs, a mix requiring not only good purely military leadership to ensure the respect of all but sensitivity for different cultures and beliefs. Hislop's long service revealed many examples of good leadership. Sadly there were also examples of bad command by others; lessons for officers in any army at any time.

A valuable addition to the history of the lndian Army, written with pride and no nostalgia.
Dr Anthony Clayton, Academic Staff RMA Sandhurst 1965-1993
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A Soldier's Story- John Hislop, Indian Army officer of The Jat Regiment
More about the life of John Hislop click here

The bitter side of spying

NDTV Correspondent, Updated: April 17, 2011 11:10 IST
Gurdaspur (Punjab): The case of Indian spy Gopal Dass, who returned home last week after spending 27 years in prison in Pakistan, has sparked off renewed interest in what actually goes on in this shadowy world.
Once a master spy, Karamat Rahi is now tea stall owner. Six years ago, he returned to his village in Gurdaspur, Punjab, after spending 18 years in Pakistani jails.
After his return, Karamat sought compensation from the Indian intelligence agency he worked for, but was refused. He moved court but his plea was turned down so he now plans to move a higher court.
"We spend difficult times in those jails, we are half dead in those interrogations. Now when we can't do anything we should get something to do business. Also, what do I do without pension? I am 58 and worth nothing," says Karamat.
Fifty kilometre away, in village Daduwal that once had a dozen spies working for Indian agencies, Sunil was lured into spying by a fellow villager. But three years later, he was caught in Pakistan and jailed.
He returned home after seven years. Physically weak and depressed, he is now fully dependant on his wife who works as a domestic help.
"We worked for the country and what we got was tears of blood. We don't get anything," says Sunil.
Grefan tried his hands at spying but soon decided to quit. But his mentors just won't let him. He alleges that Indian agencies implicated him in three false cases.
He now works as a labourer and earns Rs. 3000 a month.
"I refused to work for these agencies since they did not care. When I stopped working, I was implicated in false cases - of bomb blast. But I was proved innocent; they slapped more cases," he says.
Along the border belt in Punjab, almost every third village has a spy who once worked for Indian agency. These spies say they never got a fair deal; they say the way they have been ignored they feel they are the children of lesser God.
The bitter side of spying

National Security: Is Hasan's Hawala transactions financing Pakistan Terrorists?

Hawala trader Hasan Ali's $ 8 billion (about Rs 36,000 crore) network of illegal money transactions is unravelling.

On Saturday, Ali revealed to agencies probing his accounts that a substantial portion of the thousands of crores in his Swiss bank and other accounts elsewhere belonged to top Indian politicians and bureaucrats, including three former chief ministers of Maharashtra.

This breakthrough has come as a breather to the investigating agencies that have been at the receiving end of the courts for their lacklustre probe into Ali's case.

In what could place Ali at the centre of a devious parallel banking network for the country's most corrupt politicos and babus, investigators have found an ingenious money- laundering mechanism that succeeded in turning black money into legitimate earnings through the stock market.

Following these revelations from Ali, the investigators have summoned Indian representatives of international banks such as UBS, Barclays and Credit Suisse to share more information on his transactions with them.

According to probe agencies, Ali took unaccounted black money from Indian politicians out of the country through the hawala channel and parked them in bank accounts in various countries across the globe, especially Mauritius.

He would then bring this money back to India, invest it in the stock market through participatory notes to buy up shares for people named by the politicians. At times, the money would come in as foreign investment straight into companies floated by friends and family of these politicians.

"In those years, especially the late 1990s and early 2000s, the stock markets had huge black money riding on it, which was often untraceable. Ali smartly bought participatory notes which were not required to be registered with SEBI. In the same fashion, some of the money would also come into companies that would have a beneficiary of the politician's family or in some cases, a completely new business entity in the name of a beneficiary of the politician," said a source close to the probe agencies. Through this strategy, Ali is believed to have pumped in money into the businesses of the son-in-law of one of these former CMs.

Ali was remanded to four days' custody of the enforcement directorate (ED) on March 17. His custodial interrogation was extended by the Supreme Court by another three days.

Ali has told his interrogators that between 1990 to 2000, he got in touch with several top bureaucrats as well, who like the politicians wanted him to launder their ill-gotten wealth. "He says these introductions then became permanent contacts and he did launder money for them several times, also getting his own share of the profit from these transactions. However, he claims that he was just a small fish in the entire episode," said another official source.

Officials however are not yet ready to give out the names of the politicians, bureaucrats or bankers whose names Ali has allegedly revealed. They are piecing the hawala jigsaw together to crack the case before letting out the details of the network. Ali's claims of laundering black money for politicians and bureaucrats probably explain why no probe was initiated against him for a very long time.

According to sources, Ali has told investigators that he did not have any direct links with most politicians whose money he handled but were in fact introduced to them by his friends and partners in his hawala affairs.

Although he claims to be a small fish, the investigators are not willing to buy the claim. The ED has apparently sought explanation from Ali regarding the initial deposit of Rs 5 crore in his bank account with the UBS Bank, Singapore, in 1982, which mysteriously grew to US $1 billion (`4,500 crore at current conversion rates) in 1999, a year-and-a-half before the 9/11 attacks in the US.

"This aspect of his business is something we must look into as his close connections with Adnan Khashoggi, the international arms dealer, run very thick," says an official. Investigators probing the Pune businessman's accounts have found a phenomenal jump in his assets after 2001, with money coming in from 'suspicious' accounts from countries such as Dubai and Saudi Arabia, among others.

The date is significant because investigators believe that after the terror attacks in September 2001, the US and other countries had stopped transactions of money in different bank accounts related to terrorist organisations. Ali's account on the other hand just kept growing with money flowing in from many Middle Eastern countries. This has what raised eyebrows among the many investigating agencies.

" The money could have been routed to his account as other banks were being pressured to freeze accounts. This explains how the money in his account jumped from a few hundred crores to thousands of crores.

The alarming jump and the freezing of funds after the terror attack could not be a coincidence," said an investigator.

The Comptroller and Auditor General's report ( CAG report) indicates how Ali's income jumped from Rs 529 crore in 2001- 2002 to Rs 5,404 crore in 2002- 2003.

From here, it kept soaring as Rs 54,268.6 crore were accumulated in his account in 2006- 2007. Investigators believe that Ali's income did not match with the money coming in to his account.

" He has claimed to be a businessman, a stud farm owner and a scrap dealer. However, even if you do all this together you can't have so much money in your account," said the investigator. He said that Ali has not been able to explain where the money had come from.

" Forget about the thousands of crores. To date, Ali has not been able to explain the source of Rs 5 crore, which was the initial deposit in his UBS Bank account in Singapore in 1982. Apart from arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, we believe he could be in touch with other sources too," said the officer.

It remains to be seen whether the ED would seriously investigate or simply ignore Ali's revelations as the agency has been unable to initiate any action since 2007 against the money- launderer, until the SC rapped the government on its knuckles. The ED's veil of secrecy on Ali's revelations also does not inspire confidence that it will pursue the hawala trail.
Hasan Ali laundered money for 3 former Maharashtra CMs
Comment: We now know how bankrupt Pakistan is getting money for financing Terror Activities around the globe. Shame on Indian Hawala Money Launderers.
Did Dawood invest in 2G? Was this fuelling and financing Terrorist Activities worldwide? Click here to learn more

Will the ghost of 1962 dragon continue to haunt the South Block?

Ref: The amateurs in charge
In 1962, Intelligence Chief B.N. Mullick ruled the roost. These days it is the mandarins of External Affairs Ministry and Babus in the MOD. There is no single point military advice.
Things are not good at all.
Lt Gen Harbhajan Singh (Retd)

Extract
indian express oped
Posted: Sat Nov 20 2010, 03:34 hrs
Blaming Pandit Nehru for everything wrong with India has grown from a fashion to a rage, so the letters he addressed to American President John F. Kennedy on November 19, 1962, will be used as another stick with which to beat him. Destructive denigration serves him as ill as the idolatry in which he could do no wrong. Of course he made mistakes, who doesn’t, and to pretend they really were not mistakes worse, to conceal facts only feeds his detractors. What our country owes him becomes ever more apparent, time and our travails keep confirming its value. Viewing so great a man whole, faults and all, cannot diminish his stature, or our debt. What we need is to learn from the mistakes, his and ours which we stubbornly refuse to do.

November 1962 was a national disaster, all the more painful for being so self-inflicted: blinding ourselves to it is to invite repeats. Panditji must bear his share of responsibility, but the totality of our failure extends far beyond individuals. India failed to function as an organised state, alive to its challenges and opportunities, appropriately prepared to deal with them. Have we used our experience to become such a state now?
People today cannot realise the horrific pressures of those weeks. Despite our foolishness in imagining that suppressing facts can change them, plentiful evidence has been published by important actors of the time, inter alia recording the frightening situation Delhi saw itself facing that November 19 morning. Key positions had been left to the enemy, Sela and Bomdila augured horrendous dangers, civil officers had started being withdrawn and a complete evacuation from Assam was being considered, the DIB even starting to plan a resistance movement. An outstanding soldier, Major-General Monty Palit wrote 20 years ago that he was shown the draft letter seeking 12 fighter and two bomber squadrons; as DMO, at a desperate stage of a war that seemed to be moving along a course of escalating disasters, [he] could only welcome the proposal of obtaining military help, whatever its source, though confessing he had not for a moment imagined that... the architect of India's non-alignment policy, would ask for actual intervention by US forces. (War in the High Himalayas pp 342-343)
Read more click here

Foreigners in Ranjit Singh’s court

The Lion’s Firanghis: The Europeans at the Court of Lahore traces the
journey and lives of . An excerpt…

Most of the Europeans who were to have a major impact on the Maharaja’s regime were French and Italians, and they became the most influential and leading personalities at the Court of Lahore

THE Sikh Kingdom under the benevolent leadership of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780-1839) known as ‘Sarkar-e-Khalsa’ and the ‘Lion of the Punjab’ was considered a hegemony amongst all the Indian princely states that were under the jurisdiction of the East India Company in the early part of the 19th century. This was the golden era of the Punjab and its inhabitants, who stood firm against its powerful neighbour, British India, a secular and independent nation forming a buffer state against Russia, but wedged precariously between Afghanistan and China. Its inhabitants were not just Punjabis but there was also a minority of Europeans, who had forsaken their homelands to seek their fortunes and to enhance their careers in the political milieu of Punjab — probably the only province in the early 19th century that still offered any scope of military employment to a select group of foreigners newly arrived on its doorstep.

Court chronicles
Bobby Singh Bansal chose to explore a path less explored when he started working on the manuscript that became The Lion’s Firanghis: The Europeans at the Court of Lahore.
Read More:
The Tribune: Firangis in Ranjit Singh’s Durbar

Can we Confront China?

Ref: Indo China war- The shock and awe of '62
China is an established and growing world power, economically and militarily with nuclear and space capability. All the western powers including USA are in awe and are scared to confront the Dragon!!

As far as India is concerned, China has always tried to do down India. It has heaped insults after insults on our country (emphatic claims on Arunachal, warning to Manmohan Singh about his visit to this State, stapled visas for people living in J&K, refusal to give Visa to Lt Gen Jamwal to visit China, military aid to Pakistan, supplying nuclear and missile technology to Pakistan etc etc, the list is endless).

The construction of railway line to Lhasa and its planned extension to Nepal Border, construction of airfields and roads along Southern border areas of Tibet has enhanced Chinese military capability against India manifold. The strategic nuances of the Pearl of strings around India are well known. Chinese military is just too strong for India and added to this are the Chinese close strategic ties with Pakistan!!!

USA is a declining power and after its long military engagement in Iraq and Afghanistan, it will not enter into any military conflict with China to bail out India. In any case why should it?? What has India done for USA??? Russia similarly has no stomach to threaten China in case of any hostilities between India and China.

This means, India will have to rely on its own military prowess in case there is a conflict between India and China. Lately some measures have been taken to strengthen our military posture in the East, but these are slow and insufficient. Indian Government (its political leaders and bureaucrats) have not changed their ways of functioning. The Congress Party (its President, budding scion of Nehru Pariwar and their hangers on) have little interest and knowledge of national security. They remain busy politicking with the prime aim of how to remain in power. National security also does not seem to interest the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh much. He is an economist and a peace loving man where as India is facing leaders in China and Pakistan who are hell bent on destabilising India. Those on Opposition benches are no better!!!

The Veterans need to awaken the nation on matters of National security and looming threat from China and Pakistan. We owe it to the nation to take a lead in bringing to focus the poor state of equipment (ships, fighter aircraft, guns, tanks etc) of the Army, Navy and the Air Force and the very very slow pace of new critical acquisitions. Also non implementation of Kargil Committee Report- click here.

India has to be fully prepared to fight on two fronts. The conflict will be swift and at a place and time of Chinese choosing and they will come in with overwhelming superiority. It is a sound interim policy to try and keep a low key and not overly react to pin pricks by China. But this cannot be ever lasting scenario. India has to have the required force levels and weaponry to deter China. Though this should have happened 'yesterday', and hence there is no time to lose!! The World must be made to realise that India is not a soft state.

VETERANS ARE REQUESTED TO SEND IN THEIR COMMENTS AND SUGGESTIONS ON HOW INDIA NEEDS TO GEAR UP TO FACE THE DUAL CHALLENGE FROM CHINA AND PAKISTAN AND ALSO INTERNAL INSURGENCY.

Harbhajan Singh
Lt Gen
(Former Signal Officer in Chief)

Status of Classified Report of 1962 Indo China Debacle
The Henderson Brooks-Bhagat report, also referred to as the Henderson Brooks report, is the report of an analysis (Operations Review) of the Sino-Indian War of 1962. Its authors are officers of the Indian armed forces. They are Lt Gen Henderson Brooks and Brig P S Bhagat, commandant of the Indian Military Academy at the time.

The report continues to be classified by the Indian Government. In April 2010, India's Defence Minister A.K. Antony told Parliament that the report could not be declassified because its contents “are not only extremely sensitive but are of current operational value."

The report is said to be openly critical of the Indian political and military structure of that time, as well as of the execution of military operations.

Author Neville Maxwell has published what he claims are summaries of the report. While this has not been verified by comparisons with the (still classified) text, it has been accepted as a reasonable summary by the Indian media. This report of Indo-China war makes interesting reading.

As of Feb 2008, MP Rajeev Chandrasekhar has requested the report to be declassified in the National Security interest. This has been declined by the defense Minster A K Antony. He has quoted that the same would not be released "considering the sensitivity of information contained in the report and its security implications"
Henderson Brooks- Bhagat Report
Kargil Review Committee Report: click here

China wooing Dictators and Islamic Fundamentalists

Why China is wooing the jihadis, and what India should do
BHARAT VERMA
The spread of two authoritarian streams, Chinese communism and Islamic fundamentalism, in combination or otherwise, threaten the survival of democracies in Asia.

First, Beijing deftly sucked in most of the democracies in its economic orbit by making China a very cheap manufacturing destination of the world. This simultaneously created gigantic hard currency reserves and vast political influence.

Second, from the inflow of foreign direct investments, a modern lethal military machine was forged.

Third, Beijing skillfully invested in dictatorial or Islamic fundamentalist regimes in Asia like North Korea, Pakistan, and Myanmar.

On one hand, this boosts Pakistan and North Korea's capability to tie down democracies like India, South Korea and Japan without the necessity of China being involved overtly. On the other, by transferring sensitive technologies to these countries, China deflects the attention of major powers from itself and conveniently shifts the debate to the rogue nations clandestinely supported by it.
Click here to read the full analysis

What ails the Armed Forces: Wonderful insight into Defence Ministry's working

Indian Express Posted on Apr 17, 2003 at 0000 hrs IST.
Has anything changed for the better one wonders!
It is heartening to note that an editor of a national newspaper has taken up the case of the low-castes of the army — the other ranks. The Indian Army personnel are divided into three categories: the other ranks including the NCOs, the JCOs and the Commissioned Officers. In the US Army, there are only two categories — officers and the enlisted men.

The JCO, a peculiarity of the Indian Army, was the invention of the British and was meant to fill the communication gap between the British officers and Indian sepoys. However, after Independence, the Indian officers found it convenient to continue with the arrangement of JCOs.

It was in the tradition of the Indian caste system and helped the officers keep their distance from the sepoys. In other armies, there is no intermediary between a lieutenant and sergeant (Havildar in the Indian army). That is why Hav. Shinde could not have written to an officer. In the case of Sgt Romero and Major Sturek, communication was natural because both were in the same platoon with no JCO between them. So strict is the chain of command in the Indian Army that a letter from Shinde to his former company commander would have resulted in disciplinary action against him instead of it being appreciated. You mentioned that Maj. Sturek forwarded the sergeant’s letter to two people he thought should be reading it: Army Sergeant Major Jack Tilley and Chief of Staff (General) Eric Shineski. For us in India, it is understandable that he forwarded it to the General, but why to a Sgt Major, who is only an NCO? Because, as the US World Almanac says, ‘‘the US Army, Navy and Air Force in 1966-67 each created a position of senior enlisted advisor, whose primary job is to represent the point of view of the service’s enlisted men and women on matters of welfare, morale and any problems concerning enlisted personnel.’’ In the Indian army, there is no representation for other ranks in the higher echelons. So is the case with JCOs. The battalion has a Subedar Major, who used to be a father figure and who directly advised the commanding officer on discipline and welfare of the men. But nowadays, the post has been reduced to that of an informer, if not an errand boy of the CO. Neither was the NCO/JCO represented in the committees that advised the Pay Commission or the rehabilitation and resettlement organisations. Let me narrate a personal incident. When I requested the United Services Institution, to change my associate membership into a regular one, it was rejected by the Executive Council comprising retired generals, because I had served as a JCO. This when there are half-a-dozen books on military matters written by me in the USI Library. The Royal United Services Institution, on the lines of which the USI was established in 1870, has no such ‘‘officers only’’ restriction. Aren’t our Generals more British than the British?— Sub Maj N. Kunju (Retd)

Whither our Indian pride When I was a member of the faculty of Defence Services Staff College, I was told by an American officer that his soldiers would not serve in the conditions that our soldiers do. His statement sums up what our Army is all about: ‘‘serve without expecting anything in return’’. It is not enough for George Fernandes to just visit Siachen. Let him translate his words into deeds. He can modernise our forces instead of returning the funds unspent. . As a nation, we lack pride. This translates into the treatment of our soldiers. We think of them only during war, and make promises only to forget them. That is the difference between Shinde and Romero. Colonel A. Sridharan (Retd) The Ex-Servicemen’s Contributory Health Scheme launched with much fanfare just a fortnight ago has sought as much as 50 per cent contribution from the pensioners. If this is the way we treat our Armed Forces, the quality of those opting for it will go down. After all, who would like to get stuck in a career which demands the best part of your life and gives nothing in return?— P.M. Ravindran

The approach of our civilian leadership towards national security is absolutely scandalous. If there is an India-US war tomorrow, the fate of the Indian Army will be no better than the Iraqi Army.— Dilip

If George Fernandes was half the man that Shastri was, he should have resigned many times over with the now almost-daily MiG crashes. But he’s not, and we have to rue the fate of our jawans. Havildar Shinde is no Romero. He can be no Romero when we have callous individuals who assume and retain powerful positions without responsibility.— Jay Iyer

When real life heroes are ignored It is really very depressing to learn about the appaling conditions faced by our brave soldiers and nothing being done about it. I guess that’s the way we Indians are. Even I, after reading your article and feeling so bad for our soldiers, will forget about it in a day or two if not earlier. Recently, Aishwarya Rai, who earns in crores for each movie and got hurt in a minor accident, had private planes at her disposal to carry her back to Mumbai. I wonder whether the owners of these planes would even spare a thought for our brave soldiers, who are always facing injury and death while guarding the country. — Shankar It is so true that our politicians are so out of touch with the real issues. Our netas have to be made more more accountable. Then the death of even one jawan would be taken more seriously than just another photo-op for handing a paltry check to the widow.— Bob Thukral

I strongly believe that India has too much of democracy. By this, I mean that even buying essentials like supplies for the military is being scrutinised and criticised by the Opposition. The result: These people are scared to spend money even for basic necessities. How else can one explain the unspent funds?Basker Mathrubootham

Yes, in the Indian Army it is impossible to change or modernise anything without giving an arm and a leg. Forget Havildar Shinde, a mid-level infantry officer cannot get anything changed for his men or himself. Our senior officers reach their exalted ranks because of two premier qualities: they have to be docile in action and a tiger on paper. Among the many things that the Army really needs, but cannot articulate, are: better and lighter rifles, modern form of Web equipment (pouches etc), better water bottles, more powerful and lighter binoculars, boots which do not require an anklet, computers to accurately fire 81 mm mortars, more lethal grenades, GPS equipment, replacements for the archaic one-ton vehicles which guzzle fuel. If we could somehow bring about these changes, the Indian Infantry would be revolutionised. If India wants to be a modern nation, it will have to liberalise its Armed Forces and give them a free hand, change the cult of subservience and cut out the colonial system. Otherwise the country will be roundly defeated in the next war by a military Pakistan. If our military officers are mere lackeys, the country cannot proactively defend herself.— Maj A.K. Mathur (retd)

It is not just the Army but our entire mindset about seniority and the notion that the ground-level people don’t know anything that has to be changed. Even in our schools and colleges, are students ever encouraged to ask probing questions? How often does a company ask your opinion about their product and actually do something about it? You talk about the rifles used by the Indian Army. But think about the buses, trains and other mass transport systems in use in the country. How have they changed in the last two-three decades? It’s all due to our lazy, unimaginative approach.— S. Chatterjee

On the one hand there are American soldiers who are embarrassingly dependent on their Air Force or so called ‘‘Smart Bombs’’. On the other, are our soldiers who have a lot to grumble about, but hardly ever complain. I feel that the loss of their lives during the Kargil conflict could have been substantially reduced if we had proper equipment. I hope our politicians read your article.— Aditya Chandra

You have missed the point. Havildar Shinde stands nowhere in comparison to their Sergeant Romero because of the die-hard colonial legacy of our defence services, even 55 years after Independence. Where else do you find such ranks among NCOs ? So your well-intentioned harangue on poor equipment only touches the fringe of the malady.— R. Misra

Sergeant Romero may have become a hero in America for his email. But to me, it shows gross indiscipline on his part. I do not think it is right to allow sergeants to write letters directly to the authorities, bypassing the chain of command. In fact, such acts would create indiscipline. And while our brave jawans must be provided with the necessary equipment and the basic amenities needed for their day-to-day life, it must also be ensured that they do not end up becoming a pampered lot.— V.P. Damodar

Too often we tend to take our brave jawans for granted and expect them to perform miracles; which, given the terrible battle conditions they have to deal with, they often do. But do the brass (civilian and military) care? Perhaps not. Consider the infamous post-Kargil coffin-scandal and the every-other-day MiG crashes. So how do we set this right? A public interest litigation on behalf of our jawans?— Sriniisn

It is not right to blame just the military brass for the callous attitude towards the soldiers. Let us not forget that the English language Press lionised General Parvez Musharraf during the Agra summit. The US State Department frequently equates India and Pakistan by treating the aggressor (Pakistan) and the victim (India) as equally responsible for the situation in Kashmir. They do this to promote the interests of the US. The US Press reflects this position — as they do whenever matters of US foreign policy are concerned. The Indian press should realise that when foreign policy is concerned, the country’s interests should come first.— Nagaraja Rao

The article is a beautiful insight into the Defence Ministry’s functioning. Why don’t you lead a signature email campaign to bring this into the limelight? Like the Bofors scandal, we need to raise a big noise to be really heard. This is the least that we can do for our jawans.— N.S. Rao
What ails our Armed Forces?

Lt Gen Nathu Singh's Appreciation of Land Forces for Defence of India in 1948

From: vinay singh
Sent: 14 September 2010 09:58
Subject: GEN NATHU SINGH
Dear Brigadier Kamboj,
Thank you for posting Sarojini Naidu’s letter to Nathu Singh. Here is something else on the same lines, which is as relevant today as it was then. In January 1948, soon after taking over as GOC UP Area in Lucknow, Gen Nathu Singh wrote an Appreciation on the Defence of India, and forwarded it to Army HQ. He was greatly perturbed by a directive issued from the office of the C-in-C, which sought to reduce the size of the Regular Army to 150,000 - during World War II, it had risen to 2.5 million - with an annual budget allocation of 45 crore rupees for the next three years.

In the preamble, he wrote:
"We as soldiers must approach our leaders and submit our minimum requirements and make it clear that if funds are not provided for such a force, the responsibility will be upon them. A soldier is but a servant of the State. He must however, point out any weaknesses in the defensive structure of the country with all the emphasis at his command. In order to arrive at a correct appreciation, we must consider both military and allied factors and not be swayed by any notions of idealism or allow political considerations to affect our judgment...
A NEWLY CREATED NATION WHICH HAS ONLY JUST THROWN OFF HER BONDAGE OF FOREIGN RULE OF 200 YEARS AND MORE CANNOT RISK A REVERSE ALMOST AT HER REBIRTH.
...We must NOT decide on the size of our Defence Service on what we can financially afford but on what we need in the form of a Modern Defence based on the following considerations:
(a) What is the strength and armament of present and potential enemies of India?
(b) What is the force required by India to meet this threat
(c) What will be the cost of maintaining such a force?
(d) What is the maximum amount the country can afford to pay for its Defence Forces?
(e) To arrive at a compromise between (b), (c) and (do above, consistent with the safety of our land.
Keeping the above in view, the Land Forces which India should maintain are given in the enclosed appreciation. They are only my first thoughts."

Nathu Singh proceeded to list out the frame work of the Indian Army, for the future. By present standards, he was extremely conservative - he asked for one corps headquarters, one armoured division, two infantry divisions, one parachute brigade, one armoured brigade, and the associated complement of Artillery, Engineers and Signals. The number of infantry battalions was only 28. However, he advocated a large complement of territorial army, which would provide the second line of defence, and boost the resources of the regular army, during war.
In April 1948, Nathu Singh was promoted to the rank of Lt Gen and appointed GOC-in-C Eastern Command, at Ranchi. He continued his efforts to convince the political and military leadership of the necessity of maintaining a strong Army. When asked for a run-down of the Army, he wrote to Army HQ on 24 October 1950:
"...The situation facing the country from the military point of view is today virtually the same if not worse because, although Pakistan outwardly appears to be fraternising with our country, recent speeches of their leaders leave no room for doubt that they are preparing for a show-down with our country over the KASHMIR issue.
...Communist China's complete success over the KUOMINTANG and the establishment of the Peoples' Government, their recent activities, their declared policy towards liberation of Tibet, and the recent Mission from the latter country clearly indicate the writing on the wall. The Communist menace is gradually spreading towards the very borders of India.
...To ensure the security of our borders and our State, the Defence service ratio between INDIA and PAKISTAN should be two to one . If this is reduced, we will be laying our country open to an ever present danger of a major war."

Nathu Singh's remarks, especially with reference to Pakistan and China, display an insight of international affairs which very few Indians had, at that time. Even Nehru, who orchestrated India's foreign policy for almost two decades following Independence, failed to grasp the nuances which Nathu Singh had perceived. As a result, the Defence Forces were neglected, with disastrous results in 1962. An intimate knowledge of military affairs is important for those who decide the fate of peoples, and nations. Among his contemporaries, such as Churchill, Stalin, Chiang Kai Shek, Roosevelt, Eisenhower, Tito, and Nasser, Nehru was one of the few who had never worn an uniform.

This applies even to our present day political masters. Not one of our Prime Ministers or Defence Ministers, from 1947 till now, has ever worn an uniform.
Maj Gen VK Singh

Chinese smart diplomatic tantrums raises India's emotional decibel level

By TJS George, 05/09/2010
Options we have; have we the will?
Another war with India is unlikely to be on China's agenda. But menacing military build-up and other needling tactics to divert India's energies and attention is central to its agenda. It’s an old ploy. But the level of aggressiveness is new.
India's politicians, the TV channels in particular, have a way of reacting to such unfriendly actions in an emotional, high-decibel style. Which is reminiscent of the Nehru-era cries like "we won't let them get one inch of Indian territory". If anything, such declamatory posturings only reduce our own ability to work out counter-strategies in a cool and calculating manner.

Actually, we should learn from the Chinese how to be calculating. With a hundred-year perspective, they planned the strategic encirclement of India, with bases in Burma, Sri Lanka and Pakistan - even as we steadily lost our influence in neighbouring countries.

With the same long-term view of history, they built up their road and rail networks in the Tibetan territory previously considered inhospitable to such transportation facilities. Recently they successfully tested their strategic airlift capability, an area where they have advanced very far with 450 high-capacity military cargo planes.

India is famous for dithering when it comes to military acquisition. Unseen middlemen still controlling the bulk of the transactions is only half the problem. The other half is our insistence of all kinds of special provisions, from incorporating systems still on the drawing board to establishing joint venture facilities. The result is that in all three wings of the defence forces, our strike capacity is well below the required level.
Options we have; have we the will? click here to read more
Related Reading
The writer is a former Director General, Defence Planning Staff
South Asian security: India faces a major challenge by Air Marshal R.S.Bedi (retd)

South Asia's Geography of Conflict

Center for a New American Security
Washington, D.C., September 8, 2010 – Ahead of the Southeast Asian Summit later this month in New York and President Obama’s trip to Asia in November, the Center for a New American Security (CNAS) released a report today by acclaimed author and CNAS Senior Fellow Robert D. Kaplan. In South Asia’s Geography of Conflict, Kaplan provides a detailed analysis of South Asia's history and geography including the broad arc of territory from Afghanistan southeastward into northern India and highlights India’s pivotal role in the region. Kaplan writes, “As the U.S. and China become great power rivals, the direction in which India tilts could determine the course of geopolitics in Eurasia in the 21st century."

South Asia’s Geography of Conflict is a must-read for American policy makers. Kaplan writes, "If Americans do not come to grasp with India’s age-old, highly unstable geopolitics, especially as it concerns Pakistan, Afghanistan and China, they will badly mishandle the relationship." Kaplan writes, "If Americans do not come to grasp with India’s age-old, highly unstable geopolitics, especially as it concerns Pakistan, Afghanistan and China, they will badly mishandle the relationship."

In South Asia’s Geography of Conflict, CNAS Senior Fellow and acclaimed author Robert D. Kaplan provides a detailed analysis of South Asia's history and geography including the broad arc of territory from Afghanistan southeastward into northern India and highlights India’s pivotal role in the region. Kaplan writes, “As the U.S. and China become great power rivals, the direction in which India tilts could determine the course of geopolitics in Eurasia in the 21st century." South Asia’s Geography of Conflict is a must-read for American policy makers. Kaplan writes, "If Americans do not come to grasp with India’s age-old, highly unstable geopolitics, especially as it concerns Pakistan, Afghanistan and China, they will badly mishandle the relationship."
South Asias Geography of Conflict by Robert D Kaplan
Watch a CNAS exclusive interview with Kaplan on South Asia’s Geography of Conflict here.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's appreciation of dangers from China

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's letter to Jawaharlal Nehru on 7 November 1950 not only deploring Indian Ambassador KM Panikkar's action but also warning about dangers from China.
My dear Jawaharlal,
....
It is of course, impossible to be exhaustive in setting out all these problems. I am, however, giving below some of the problems which, in my opinion, require early solution and round which we have to build our administrative or military policies and measures to implement them.

A military and intelligence appreciation of the Chinese threat to India both on the frontier and to internal security.

An examination of military position and such redisposition of our forces as might be necessary, particularly with the idea of guarding important routes or areas which are likely to be the subject of dispute.

An appraisement of the strength of our forces and, if necessary, reconsideration of our retrenchment plans for the Army in the light of the new threat.

A long-term consideration of our defence needs. My own feeling is that, unless we assure our supplies of arms, ammunition and armour, we would be making our defence perpetually weak and we would not be able to stand up to the double threat of difficulties both from the west and north-west and north and north-east.

The question of China's entry into the UN. In view of the rebuff which China has given us and the method which it has followed in dealing with Tibet, I am doubtful whether we can advocate its claim any longer. There would probably be a threat in the UN virtually to outlaw China, in view of its active participation in the Korean war. We must determine our attitude on this question also.

The political and administrative steps which we should take to strengthen our northern and north-eastern frontier. This would include the whole of the border, ie. Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Darjeeling and the tribal territory in Assam.

Measures of internal security in the border areas as well as the states flanking those areas such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal and Assam.

Improvement of our communication, road, rail, air and wireless, in these areas and with the frontier outposts.

The future of our mission at Lhasa and the trade posts at Gyangtse and Yatung and the forces which we have in operation in Tibet to guard the trade routes.

The policy in regard to the McMahon Line.

These are some of the questions which occur to my mind. It is possible that a consideration of these matters may lead us into wider question of our relationship with China, Russia, America, Britain and Burma. This, however, would be of a general nature, though some might be basically very important, e.g., we might have to consider whether we should not enter into closer association with Burma in order to strengthen the latter in its dealings with China. I do not rule out the possibility that, before applying pressure on us, China might apply pressure on Burma. With Burma, the frontier is entirely undefined and the Chinese territorial claims are more substantial. In its present position, Burma might offer an easier problem to China, and therefore, might claim its first attention.

I suggest that we meet early to have a general discussion on these problems and decide on such steps as we might think to be immediately necessary and direct, quick examination of other problems with a view to taking early measures to deal with them.
Vallabhbhai Patel,
7th November 1950
To read the full appreciation contained in the letter click link in red:
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's letter to Jawaharlal Nehru wriiten 60 years ago is more relevant today

Henderson Brooks–Bhagat Report of 1962 Indo China debacle
The Henderson Brooks-Bhagat report, also referred to as the Henderson Brooks report, is the report of an analysis (Operations Review) of the Sino-Indian War of 1962. Its authors are officers of the Indian armed forces. They are Lieutenant-General Henderson Brooks and Brigadier P S Bhagat, commandant of the Indian Military Academy at the time.

The report continues to be classified by the Indian Government, as of October 2006. In April 2010, India's Defence Minister A.K. Antony told Parliament that the report could not be declassified because its contents “are not only extremely sensitive but are of current operational value."

The report is said to be openly critical of the Indian political and military structure of the time, as well as of the execution of operations.

Author Neville Maxwell has published what he claims are summaries of the report. While this has not been verified by comparisons with the (still classified) text, it has been accepted as a reasonable summary by the Indian media. Another extract of Indo-China war makes interesting reading.

As of Feb 2008, MP Rajeev Chandrasekhar has requested the report to be declassified in the National Security interest, This has been declined by the defense Minster A K Antony. He has quoted that the same would not be released "considering the sensitivity of information contained in the report and its security implications"

Dragon spews fire and India feels the heat

China's threat: India gets serious
Nidhi Razdan,
August 31, 2010 22:07 IST
New Delhi: The Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) met in New Delhi on Tuesday where top ministers and the PM discussed about the recent tension with China. India's envoy to Beijing S Jaishankar has also been called to give his inputs.

There was consensus to act tough with the Chinese and show a firmness in approach while dealing with them.

Earlier, a top Indian Army General was denied permission to visit China because he serves in what they call a "sensitive" state like Jammu and Kashmir.

India and China certainly have their differences but this time Indian officials say Beijing has gone too far.

Government sources have told NDTV they are mulling their options and much will depend on what Beijing now signals through a senior defence officer who is expected to come here soon.

The latest worry for New Delhi are reports that 7,000 to 11,000 Chinese troops are here in Gilgit in Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), which the government is trying to verify. Some experts say that a more aggressive China needs a stronger response from India.

"This is very serious, for the first time they have belatedly questioned the status of Jammu and Kashmir. We need to take strong political steps like stapling the visas of Tibetans and stressing on Tibet as an autonomous part of China not a militarised one as it is now," said Kanwal Sibal, former Foreign Secretary.

India's China challenge
China refuses to stamp the passports of Indians from Jammu and Kashmir instead giving them stapled visas on separate sheets of paper. Despite repeated protests by New Delhi for two years now the practice still goes on.
Since they see Arunachal as a part of China, Beijing often denies visas to those from Arunachal saying they are from the same country!
In 2007, a study tour to Beijing of over 100 IAS officers was cancelled after China refused to give a visa to an officer from Arunachal Pradesh even former Chief Minister Gegong Apang was not given a visa for the same reason.
The Chinese have also angrily protested a meeting between the Dalai Lama and the PM earlier this month and even criticised the PM's visit to Arunachal evoking an angry reaction from Delhi.

For now New Delhi is waiting and watching to see what Beijing signals but the shift in the public Chinese stance on Jammu and Kashmir has South Block officials very worried and they know they need to find a new way to deal with the problem.
China's threat: India gets serious by Nidhi Razdan

The Indian soldier who dies for you

The Asian Age Aug 15th, 2010 - Kamal Davar.
During the 175 years of British rule in India, many pan-India institutions were created by the British to serve their imperial interests in the subcontinent. These included the railways, police, the revenue, postal and telegraph departments, a sound judicial system, roads and bridges linking ports to the hinterland and, above all, the Indian Army, both for enforcing their writ within India and for operations in their overseas territories.
Nearly 1.3 million Indian soldiers served in World War I (1914-1918) and over 2.58 million Indian soldiers fought for the Allies in World War II (1939-1945). During the latter period, under the leadership of the legendary Subhash Chandra Bose, an Indian National Army (INA) comprising deserters from the British Indian Army, was formed to fight the British to hasten the Independence of India. The INA, however, had no impact apart from cautioning the British Raj and re-kindling national awakening among some youth in India. But it is interesting to note that the decline of the British empire commenced with the Independence of India and its forfeiture and subsequent division of the formidable British Indian Army into the Indian and Pakistan armies.
Homogenous units, some of them nearly 150-years-old, were bifurcated with Hindu and Sikh- majority units coming to India and Muslim troops dispatched to Pakistan. Little did these troops, who had lived and fought together for decades, know that Partition of India would soon, and thence frequently, bring to battle old comrades.
British Viceroy Lord Wavell, prior to handing over charge in March 1947, outlined the centrality of the Indian Army to the about-to-be-formed new Indian nation-state in his farewell speech: “I believe that the stability of the Indian Army may perhaps be the deciding factor in the future of India”.
The significance of the Indian Army (used generically to include the Indian Air Force and Indian Navy) and its contribution to the sacred concept of Indian nationhood cannot and must never be diluted. For all Indians, except a few cynics, the Indian armed forces symbolise not just blood and guts, fidelity and honour, but also “Loyalty unto Death” to the nation.
Since Independence, the Indian Army has been involved in four wars against Pakistan and one with China in 1962, apart from other major operations like Operation Cactus Lily in April 1965 against Pakistan, Operation Meghdoot in 1986-88 in aid of Sri Lanka, Operation Prakaram (massive mobilisation against Pakistan after the terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament in 2001) and various counterinsurgency operations within the country. The 1971 operations against Pakistan, leading to the liberation of Bangladesh, will remain one of the major historic military victories in the annals of warfare.
Apart from active conflicts, the Indian Army has also rendered matchless service in humanitarian activities during various natural calamities in the country, like currently in Leh. Its services in various United Nations peacekeeping missions has won it accolades all across the world.
Immediately after Independence, the existence of the powerful Indian Army was a potent contributor in all but three states joining India of their own accord. The state of Hyderabad, under the rule of the Nizam, refused to join. In September 1948, the government ordered the Indian Army which launched Operation Polo led by Maj. Gen. J.N. Chaudhuri (later to be Army Chief) to secure the state. It took the Army just five days to amalgamate the state to the Indian Union. The tiny state of Junagadh too fell in line. However, the reluctance of Maharaja Hari Singh of the strategic state of Jammu and Kashmir to decide whether to join India or Pakistan led to Pakistan Army regulars and tribals invading parts of Kashmir to annex the state by force. As soon as the Maharaja signed the Instrument of Accession, Indian troops were airlifted to Srinagar airport. It was at Badgam, a few miles from the Srinagar airport, that the hastily-airlifted Maj. Somnath Sharma of 4 Kumaon became free India’s first Param Vir Chakra winner. The last wireless message of this daring soldier to his brigade commander was “…enemy are only 50 yards from us — we are heavily outnumbered. We are under devastating fire. I shall not withdraw but will fight to the last man and last round”. Three days later the badly mutilated body of this valiant soldier, alongwith bodies of his men, was found. It was identified only because of some pages of the Gita he used to keep in his pocket. The exemplary valour and sacrifice of these soldiers saved the Kashmir Valley from falling into Pakistan’s hands. The Pakistanis known for their unsoldierly traits, in similar fashion during the Kargil War in 1999 in the Ladakh sector, brutally tortured the young Lt. Hanifuddin before killing him. On the other hand, when the Pakistanis refused to take over their own dead soldiers’ bodies, the Indian Army gave them a proper burial with full religious rites.
Can anyone forget the valiant Kumaoni company led by Maj. Shaitan Singh at Rezang La in eastern Ladakh in 1962 fighting against Chinese hordes in far greater numbers — the entire company of over a 100 men fought to the last man. Similar valour was displayed by the resolute Sikh platoon under Subedar Jogindar Singh at Bumla during the same 1962 operations.
There are countless such soldiers in Indian Army’s battle histories. The nation must never forget the supreme sacrifice of thousands of others who have shed their blood for the nation’s integrity. India is powerful and resilient enough not to succumb to pressure from any quarter, for the last bastion of the state is always at the nation’s beck and call and will never be found wanting to confront any challenge to India.
Lt Gen Kamal Davar (Retd) was the founder Director-General of the Defence Intelligence Agency
The Indian soldier who dies for you

‘Operation Samosa’ unearths Indian link to terror plot in Canada

26/08/2010
Toronto: An al-Qaeda-linked terror plot was unearthed by Canadian security agencies on Wednesday, with one of the suspects reportedly hailing from India.
The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) force. Photo Courtesy: Reuters

Under what is curiously called "Operation Samosa", the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) arrested two suspects early Wednesday. One of them said to be named Misbahuddin Ahmed who reportedly comes from India. Search for more suspects is on.

It is the second al-Qaeda-linked terror plot to be unearthed in Canada after the Toronto-18 plot of 2006 in which 18 Toronto area Muslims were arrested for plotting to blow up Canadian targets, storm Parliament, take leaders hostage and behead the Prime Minister. Eleven of these plotters were convicted.

Terror suspects arrested on Wednesday were under watch of the national security task force of the RCMP for months. Authorities said the ringleader of the terror plot had travelled to the region between Pakistan and Afghanistan for training in weapons. Arrests were made when one of the suspects was about to travel abroad as part of the alleged plot, they said.

Though police didn't name the suspects, one of them is said to be 36-year-old Misbahuddin Ahmed who worked as an X-ray technologist at an Ottawa hospital. Reports quoted sources as saying that Mr. Ahmed comes from India.

Robert Farrell, a former Canadian diplomat who rented his place to Mr. Ahmed, told the Ottawa Citizen newspaper that the suspect told him that he was born in India but had lived for a time in Saudi Arabia.

"We met his wife at the time (of renting). She seemed quite nice. She wore an Iranian-style head covering (hijab). They seemed to be more of a traditional Muslim family," Mr. Farrell said.

Five kilometre away from Ahmed's residence, police arrested another suspect who has been named Ahmed Ehsan in the media. Reacting to the unearthing of the terror plot, a spokesman for Public Safety Minister Vic Toews said, "It is clear that Canada is not immune from international or home grown radicalisation. The government continues to participate in activities to better understand extremism throughout the world and the motivations of individuals who engage in terrorism."

According to security experts here, home grown terrorist cells are plotting to target Canadian power plants and transmission lines which carry electricity to the U.S.

"There are ways of attacking the U.S. through Canada. The whole energy for New York comes from Quebec (province), for example," security research expert Anthony Seaboyer was quoted as saying.

In fact, the famous Millennium Bomber Ahmed Ressam, an al-Qaeda-linked Algerian who lived illegally in Canada and had plotted to blow up Los Angeles in December 199, had entered the U.S. from Vancouver.

Though Canada has tightened anti-terror laws after 9/11, Americans still find the response of its northern neighbour inadequate.
Source: IANS
‘Operation Samosa’ unearths Indian link to terror plot in Canada

CWG: Scams sans sports

The Editor
The Times of India
New Delhi

Sir,
Mr Milkha Singh, the legendary sportsman, has said that because of scams bedevilling the Commonwealth Games it would have been better had the Army handled the mega event (The Times of India, August 8). Whereas the respect and the trust reposed by Mr Singh in the Armed Forces is to be appreciated the fact remains that their prime function is to look after the security of the country and, in exceptional cases, perform any other task for which their help is specially solicited or asked for.

However, there is great scope for gainful utilisation of a large number of Military Veterans who are adept in the areas of their specialisation at various levels of the hierarchy besides being committed and disciplined. Invested with due authority and status they rise to the occasion and acquit themselves as creditably as any others.
Warm regards.
Sincerely,
Wing Commander SC Kapoor (retd)
Member Indian Ex Servicemen Movement Veterans Groups

With reference to the excellent letter to the editor, "The Times of India", written by Wing Commander SC Kapoor (retd), I would like to say:
He has rightly lodged his strong protest with the editor over the publicity given to the victims of atomic "bombs that shook the world," while ignoring any homage whatsoever to the sacrifices of our own Jawans who are killed in action.

I recall my own disgust a long time ago when our political leaders used to "wail and cry" over the partition of Palestine, hailing Yasser Arafat as a great leader and patriot but never ever mentioned the Partition of our own India that suffered huge loss of territory and created TEN TIMES more refugees than the number of Palestinian refugees.

Mr. Yasser Arafat was received and honoured in India as State guest. He used to go back laden with honours and cash awards. Indian news media covered every detail of his trips at full length. I realized then that it was India's official policy to ignore her own Partition but to make big fuss over similar tragedies thousands of miles away from our borders.

It is very bad, indeed, to see that decades on, the same policy of ignoring our own soldiers and their sacrifices by the Indian media continues.
Regards
Rajinder Singh Rajput

Manoeuvring of Pakistan Army High Command

Chief’s Choreography– Manoeuvring of Pakistan Army High Command by
Hamid Hussain
‘A general who advances without coveting fame and retreats without fearing the disgrace, whose only thought is to protect his country and do good service to his sovereign, is the jewel of the kingdom.’ Sun Tzu

The Pakistani army is the dominant institution of the country and it has significant control over the decision making process despite the installation of a democratic set up. In the last two years of General Pervez Mussharraf’s rule, the army’s reputation hit rock bottom. General Ashfaq Pervez Kiyani was appointed Chief of Army Staff (COAS) in October 2007 and over the last two years he has worked quietly to reassert the control of military high command over all-important areas.

The Army as an institution has always preferred to have a veto power on key policy decisions while not having the responsibility to directly manage a fragile and complex state and society.

Kiyani was faced with three challenging tasks when he took control of Pakistan army. First and foremost was getting control of the army itself by promoting, appointing and posting senior officers to key positions (details of these changes are discussed in a previous analysis, Hamid Hussain. Balancing Act – Change of Guard at Pakistan Army, January 2008 and Hamid Hussain. Careful Choreography - Next Round of Senior Officer Promotions & Postings in Pakistan Army, September 2008).

He moved out several senior officers put in place at key positions by General Pervez Mussharraf prior to handing over charge of the army to Kiyani (details of these changes by General Mussharraf prior to elevation of General Kiyani are discussed in a previous analysis, Hamid Hussain. Shuffling the Deck, September 2007). When Kiyani completed the process, Mussharraf was an isolated man and was pushed out of President House by the new civilian set up once a signal was given from army’s General Headquarter (GHQ) that they would not come to the rescue of Mussharraf.

It was reminiscent of a previous episode when in 1969 Field Marshal Ayub Khan faced with popular resentment was asked to leave President House by his own protégé Commander-in- Chief General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan once he got his own team in place.

The second challenging task for Kiyani was to shift the balance back to the army in dealing with United States. Traditionally, the U.S. Democratic Party favours working with the political forces of a country rather than relying solely on military leaders. When the Democrats with a majority in the U.S. Congress also got their man in the White House, there was a shift towards more constructive engagement with the political leaders of Pakistan.

The Kerry-Lugar bill was the outcome of this shift whereby future U.S. aid was geared more towards civilian sector. In addition, more direct funding was to be provided for strengthening of police and paramilitary forces of the country. The ultimate snub was a clause, which warned the Pakistani Army to keep its hands away from all levers of power and not to subvert political process. Some Pakistanis especially military officers allege that this clause was inserted at the request of the Pakistani political leadership in an effort to strengthen their hand against an omnipresent military. Outraged military brass publicly snubbed United States as well as Pakistan’s political leaders for committing this blasphemous act. In private conversations with visiting military and civilian leaders of United States, Kiyani made this point very clear. The ace card, which the military uses during its independent negotiations with foreign countries, and especially with the United States, is its complete control of country’s nuclear assets.

Washington’s main interaction with Islamabad is in the context of rise of extremism in Pakistan, conflict in Afghanistan and concern about security of Pakistan’s nuclear assets. All these areas are exclusively handled by the military therefore it was no surprise that Washington gave in quite easily accepting the dominant role of military in all affairs. This was a forgone conclusion in view of the nature of the history of U.S.-Pakistan relations. Similar understanding was reached with previous Pakistani military leaders including Field Marshal Ayub Khan (1958-69), General Muhammad Zia–ul-Haq (1977-88) and General Pervez Mussharraf (1999-2008).

The third task of General Kiyani was to work with political leaders in a way to get their support for ongoing military operations in tribal areas and Swat, but not allowing them to encroach on military’s domain. Kiyani has performed all these tasks deftly securing the military’s institutional interests without showing his hand. No wonder that in some circles he is dubbed as ‘master manipulator’ and a master of ‘poker face’. Many people interacting with him admit that it is very hard to guess what is on his mind as he shows no emotions and chooses very few words to express himself.

Kiyani will be retiring in November 2010 and now his main focus is on the coming change in the army’s top cadres. It is in this context that President Asif Ali Zardari comes into the picture. It is quite clear by now that the president will not likely win any popularity contest in Pakistan. The Army in general has no respect for him either. This is the main reason that president is not invited to visit any military installation. However, in the present set up with the president as supreme commander of armed forces holds the authority to appoint service chiefs. The Army does not want him to appoint the next army chief and this factor is contributing to increased pressure on the president from all quarters. The Army wants that the authority to appoint the army chief should revert back to the prime minister.

Recently, pressure was exerted on president to give back the chairmanship of National Command Authority (NCA); a body responsible for nuclear and missile assets to the prime minister. The military has the keys to Pakistan’s ‘crown jewels’ and no civilian leader is allowed in this privileged club. The prime minister may chair the NCA but has no real say about country’s nuclear and missile program. These programs are under the firm control of the military with the Strategic Planning Division (SPD).

For his part, President Zardari believes that current campaign against him has the tacit blessing of the GHQ. This mutual mistrust and suspicion is aggravating relations between two important pillars of the state and in my view both parties have missed the narrow window of opportunity by their own ill thought actions. To some extent President Zardari has kept his side of the bargain by fully supporting the army in its operations against militants. The military could have used the good offices of the president to de-escalate the alarming situation in Baluchistan in view of good relations between the Pakistan Peoples Party and the Baluch nationalist leadership.

The ultimate loser in case of continuing strained relations between army and president will be the state of Pakistan.

In view of the peculiar circumstances, General Kiyani with his three-year tenure will end up promoting and posting a record number of senior officers. The first round of promotions and postings was done in 2008 when a number of key positions at lieutenant general and major general ranks were shuffled. In the fall of 2008, six officers were promoted to lieutenant general rank and in the fall of 2009, four additional officers were promoted to the same rank (prior to announcement of these promotions, an analysis of coming promotions was done in Hamid Hussain. Chief’s Call - Next Round of Promotions in Pakistan Army, July 2009) In early April 2010, five lieutenant generals will be retiring after completing their tenures thus opening five additional slots. In addition, due to an unprecedented situation his year, four additional lieutenant generals will be retiring as they will be reaching the age limit of 58 years although they have at least 2-3 years left as far as tenure is concerned. These officers are currently holding important posts including Chief of General Staff (CGS), Quarter Master General (QMG), DGISI and Karachi Corps Commander.

In the next few months, the whole senior brass of the Pakistan army will be changed. Newly promoted officers will be posted to key positions. In the last few months, new corps commanders have already taken command of Bahawalpur and Multan corps. New corps commanders will be appointed to important Mangla, Lahore, Karachi and Peshawar corps. In addition, we will also see a new batch of Principal Staff Officers (PSOs) at GHQ including Military Secretary (MS), CGS and QMG. Most of these promotions and postings are a routine matter in any army including Pakistan army, but in view of the extraordinary powers of the military in all spheres as well as entitlements which come with these ranks, these changes become topic of speculation as well as lobbying and intense rivalry and competition among contending officers. Most of the time, it leaves a lot of bitterness and strained personal relations among senior officers (a cursory look at the memoirs and recent disclosures on electronic media by several senior officers provides ample proof of this conclusion).

In my view this is the single most important factor responsible for hampering professional development of senior officer corps of Pakistan army. The majority of senior officers are busy in this lobbying effort and engage in too much of socialization with the right group taking away the precious time, which could be used, for professional development and reading serious military affairs.
The most important event of 2010 will be the appointment of the army chief in the winter of 2010. Beleaguered President Zardari knows very well that he has only one card left in his hand and that is the authority to appoint the army chief. If he gives back this authority to prime minister, he will be a lame duck president. Currently, the army is happy to see the judiciary and media taking on the president thus keeping its own hands clean. The Army high command feels that an isolated president busy fighting his own battles against media, judiciary and political opponents will have less desire and time to interfere with military matters.
The Army is in complete control of president’s security and essentially controls all movements of the president as well as access of people to him. They feel this step is essential to prevent the president from making direct contacts with senior military officers. There is lot of competition and rivalry among senior officers for the important post of army chief and president being a shrewd person can play this game quite well.

The military hierarchy wants to continue with the current system and has working relations with prime minister and other political parties as long as long as the president is kept at a safe distance or preferably removed. Someone is busy doing the homework and it is no surprise that in January 2010, parliament’s constitutional reforms committee agreed to transfer the authority of appointing the service chiefs from the head of state to the head of government by amending article 243 of the constitution. If this change goes through then the president will bound to consult the prime minister before appointing the chiefs of the army, the navy and the air force. The decision was taken unanimously which means that all political parties were on board. The committee rejected two suggestions; first one dealing with the issue that the service chiefs should be appointed after parliamentary approval and second that the service chiefs should not be given extensions and should be retired after completing their term in office.

Despite all his shortcomings, the elections were a fair process and gave Pakistanis an unprecedented opportunity to elect the president and it would be unwise to try to remove him by unconstitutional means. The only way president can be removed is by impeachment and if that cannot be done then he is bound to react if he is provoked beyond certain limits. He may not be the smartest chap in the room but he can surely do a lot of damage in view of some powers in his hands.

The military has probably war gamed all the likely scenarios and also covered some administrative bases. The Secretary of the Ministry of Defence usually signs off the final official notification issued by the president in the appointment of the army chief. The current defence secretary is retired lieutenant general Syed Athar Ali and in the worst case scenario is that he maybe the last stumbling block (in 1999 coup, then defence secretary retired lieutenant general Iftikhar Ali Khan was given the file of prime minister’s orders of replacing General Pervez Mussharraf for his signature and official notification. Iftikhar played safely and went to his office with the file but didn’t sign it. He was no fool and was expecting some reaction from the senior brass. He waited to see which way things settle. This point was also not lost on officers involved in the coup. A military intelligence officer was sent to pick up the Defence Secretary and he was taken to the military operations directorate, which was the centre from where the coup was being coordinated. )

General Kiyani has two possible options. First option is that he reaches an understanding with President Zardari where he gets a one-year extension as army chief. If Kiyani is not considering this option then he will try to arrange the cards in such a way that his choice for army chief’s post has the best chance in the winter of 2010. Most likely his choice is current DGISI Lieutenant General Ahmad Shuja Pasha. The problem is that in the normal course of action Pasha will be retiring in March 2010 (the tenure for a lieutenant general is three years in the rank or reaching the age of 58 whichever comes first). Pasha has less than a year in the rank but will be reaching the age limit in March 2010, eight months before the retirement of General Kiyani. This impediment can be overcome if Pasha is given one-year extension of service, which will make him leading contender for chief’s post in coming winter.

Kiyani may be thinking on these lines as retirement date of current corps commander of Peshawar based XI Corps Lieutenant General Masood Aslam was in September 2009 but he has been asked to continue in view of ongoing operations in North West Frontier Province (N.W.F.P.) under his command. This may have been done to set the precedent so that no one objects if extension is given to Pasha. If Pasha is given an extension of service in the next 2-3 weeks then this will clearly indicate that Kiyani wants him to be the next chief. The other reason to allow Aslam to continue may be the fact that Kiyani has already selected the individual to command Peshawar corps but the officer is waiting in the wings at major general rank. In early April 2010, in the next round of promotions this desired officer maybe promoted to lieutenant general rank and then posted to command Peshawar Corps.

In my view, two possible contenders for this post are Major General Tariq Khan (if he survives internal fights and pass medical fitness) and Major General Waheed Arshad. In my view, Tariq will be a better choice as he has been in the thick of the battle for the last few years; first as General Officer Commanding (GOC) of a division which operated in Waziristan and then as Inspector General of Frontier Corps (IGFC) of N.W.F.P.; paramilitary force operating against militants in tribal areas along with regular troops. There is room for criticism for some of his operational plans but he deserves some credit for handling an extremely difficult situation in N.W.F.P. in 2008-09 and pushing back militants from major centres.

Serious contenders for army chief post are now only three officers; Lt. General Khalid Shamim Wayen (Quetta corps commander), Lt. General Nadeem Taj (Gujranwala corps commander) and Lt. General Ahmad Shuja Pasha (if he gets an extension prior to his retirement. Another thing going against Pasha is that he has not commanded a corps; usually a pre-requisite for army chief post contender. Kiyani after giving him extension can transfer him to the command of a corps for few months thus fulfilling this criteria but this aberration will be quite obvious and may not sit well with many officers). Lt. General Muhammad Yusuf is also a senior officer but in my view he is out of the race when Kiyani recently brought him in as president of National Defence University from Bahawalpur Corps.

If Kiyani is thinking that after handing over the charge to next man he will hit the golf course then I see no problem. However, if he is thinking about some role for himself then there is potential for conflict even if Kiyani’s own hand picked man is selected. To prove this point one need to look at two exhibits. Exhibit A is of General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan; groomed and selected by Field Marshal Ayub Khan who sent Ayub packing in a matter of hours and Exhibit B is how General Kiyani; groomed and hand picked by General Pervez Mussharraf facilitated the departure of the later out of President House when he became a liability to military’s institutional interests.

If Kiyani is thinking about some continuing role for himself then his only choice is to get himself selected as Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC) prior to his retirement. There is no problem in pursuing this course, as current CJCSC General Tariq Majid will be retiring in October 2010, few weeks before Kiyani’s retirement. CJCSC is essentially a ceremonial post with no real power. Kiyani knows very well that once appointed, the army chief is the boss and everyone looks to him and who can understand this better than Kiyani in view of his special relations with former army chief General Mussharraf over the last several years?

If Kiyani is looking at this option then he will definitely want to increase the power of CJCSC. One choice could be to have CJCSC sit on the promotion board of senior officers of all three services arguing that being the senior most officers overseeing all three services it is quite natural for him to have these powers. Senior officers in addition to army chief have to look towards CJCSC also thus increasing his influence. If CJCSC is given a say in selection of service chiefs and promotion of senior officers then he can swing things in his favour at two important forums; the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee and NCA thus directly influencing the decision making process with some weight behind him. This will invariably dilute the power of army chief.

In my view this is a bad option because it will inevitably result in clash between army chief and CJCSC. Once a new army chief is selected, he should be in charge of running his own organization. However, this power should not be arbitrary and absolute but tempered with restraint and geared towards institutional rather than personal interests. It is important to focus on working relations between different centres of power inside the military i.e. corps commanders and heads of military’s intelligence organizations as well as balance of power between military and civilian authority. Swinging from one extreme to the other will add instability to an already precarious situation.

The senior ranks of the army are not monolithic and there are personal, service arms, ethnic and social groupings inside the army. These differences need to be taken into account when important decisions are being considered as far as army is concerned. People can have different perspectives as well as preferences and this is an accepted factor as far as selection of senior officers is concerned. However, institutional interests must be held above personal wishes. Lieutenant General Masood Aslam should have retired on his due date and allowing him to continue at current post will cause resentment among officers down the line. He has performed to the best of his abilities in a difficult time and military operations under his command should be evaluated carefully. In some areas he has done well while in others things could have been better. In addition, he has gone through a personal tragedy when his young son was killed in attack on the mosque in Rawalpindi in December 2009. He has kept his composure and continued the task but we are all humans and this was one more reason that he should have been given farewell on time.

On the same note, I am of the view that no extension should be given to any officer. In the past, this issue caused resentment and breakdown of even professional relations between senior officers. It gives the impression of favouritism and tinkering with the accepted norms to push a particular officer and creates resentment among officer corps.

The playing field should be level as far as promotion to senior ranks and selection of army chief is concerned. In my view normal institutional process should be allowed to function and it is not appropriate to tinker with extensions, promotions and postings to push favourites. We all know very well that modern armies are large bureaucracies, which encourage conformation for smooth function of the organization.

The only test for a general is war and nothing else. No one expects a Rommel or Guderian emerging from Pakistan army ranks. To date, all heads of the Pakistani Army were average officers who rose to higher ranks after going through normal command, staff and instructional appointments. Most senior officers are average and one can choose from among the available lot without sacrificing much. The appointing authority can choose anyone among the top three or four senior lieutenant generals and he will be no better or worse than the others. The new chief will work to secure Pakistan’s as well as military’s interests. Every senior officer including the chief has the right to select his own team as long as he adheres to prevalent professional standards and accepted norms. Once, the chief starts to play with rules to favour one over the other then there are bound to be repercussions. In the past allegations of such foul play caused resentment and estrangement among senior officers, which is not good for the smooth functioning of the institution. Pakistani Army officers usually accuse civilians of interfering with army affairs but it is the unfair tactics of senior officers for career advancement, which caused the greatest harm.

Unfortunately the ‘indispensability syndrome’ is quite prevalent in Pakistan. All major political parties are run as personal and family business. They cry hoarse about democracy but nominate lifetime chairpersons and leaders groom their children to inherit not only the personal wealth but also the political party.

Senior military officers also get grandiose ideas in their heads and sometimes suffer from the disease of ‘infallibility’ . The only antidote for such ideas is frequent visits to the nearest graveyard, which will confirm to the visitor that every graveyard is filled with the ‘indispensable’ folks. There is no denying the fact that military is the dominant institution in Pakistan completely controlling not only military but also nuclear, missile, foreign policy and domestic arenas. The army as an institution should understand and respect spheres of influence of other organs of the state and try not to interfere in smooth functioning of other institutions. It is an accepted norm that internal matters of the army should be dealt through army chief but it is also important that army chief should clearly understand his own limitations and not extend himself resulting in the imbalance which can not only threaten the current delicate set up but can also cause serious fissures in the military. In current difficult times more transparency in decision-making process is the need of the hour rather than engaging in intrigues fuelled by mistrust and suspicion among decision makers. A working relationship between army, parliament, prime minister, president and judiciary is must to avoid further polarization of society.

'War is won outside the borders of the state, but the general’s merit is established within it'. Tai Kung’s advice to King Wu, 11th century B.C.
Dr. Hamid Hussain is an independent analyst based in New York.
Chief’s Choreography –Manoeuvring of Pakistan Army High Command by Hamid Hussain

Internal and External Security: Do we have a National Strategy?

Here are some media highlights that illuminate our National Strategy Spectrum

Should Army be used to tame Naxalism and Maoism?
Prime Minister and Cabinet Committee on Security, while taking the final call on the ‘larger mandate’ sought by the Home Minister, should deeply ponder and ask two critical questions before ordering militarization of Dandakaranya forests and Army marching over tribal territory. One is whether it would not signify collective and complete collapse of civil governance? And the second, will not the world opinion justifiably equate India with Pakistan, which is considered a ‘failed state’? Do we really need this dual shame?
Writer is a former Army and IAS officer
Read the detailed analysis:
Army against Maoists- Pros and Cons by M.G.Devasahayam

NDTV: Army to tackle Naxals?
Latest News: Will the Cabinet send in the Army to tackle Naxals?

Indian Army not meant to fight own citizens
The government faces its gravest internal security problem in recent times with the Maoists or Naxalites executing a series of brazen attacks against security personnel and civilians in the last two months. The incidents have given fresh impetus to the debate on whether the Indian Army should be deployed in countering the Maoist threat.
Lieutenant General D B Shekatkar, PVSM, AVSM, VSM a distinguished soldier and commander with a vast experience in combating insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast, feels the deployment of the army in combating the Maoists would be a wrong step.
Deploying Army against Naxals would be a wrong step

Army not for Policing own citizens
Want to pass on Government's incompetence to the army? Army should take a considered view only on the advisory role. Otherwise when things go wrong it will be very easy to fire a colonel or dismiss a major. Dealing with Naxals is not the army's job, it will be extremely bad for the country to get the army involved in this mess. This is a politically created problem. The solution needs to be political, backed by the police and judicial system. Prosecute the people involved and stop this thing from spreading. No one has even heard of any arrests or punishment for perpetration of crimes in the Naxal/ Maoist affected areas.

Obama has gone further than Bush on India
If India worries that it is being treated as a mere regional power, the US is willing to discuss global issues, even the Middle East, with India. As for the permanent membership of the UN Security Council, the US is willing to consider India's claim. No further commitment can be given since the US is not sure what course the inter-governmental negotiations will take in New York.
The Obama Platter: Obama has gone further than Bush on India

A new approach for India in Afghanistan
India’s stakes in Afghanistan are multi-faceted and India’s policies there will affect the way other countries perceive India”, says Raja Karthikeya, one of the lead authors of the report
A new approach for India in Afghanistan

Breadth Of US Talks Is Sign Of Progress
US policy toward militarised Pakistan is still one of solicitousness and is likely to remain so. And yet, both secretary of state Hillary Clinton and President Barack Obama sought to reassure external affairs minister S.M. Krishna, who led the dialogue for India, that the US did not see ties with India only in the Pakistan and Afghanistan context, and indeed it was made clear that the Indian and US perspective on Afghanistan had moved a lot closer and included helping build a democratic and sovereign Afghanistan “without outside interference”.
Breadth Of US Talks Is Sign Of Progress

The world yearns for a New Pakistan
Pakistan of the 1971 vintage is becoming an increasing threat to the homeland security of many nations of the world- in the West as well as the East, in the Ummah as well as in the non-Islamic world. One has to work for a reduced Pakistan to make this threat manageable and ultimately eliminate it.
Wanted: A New Pakistan By B. Raman

Lot of hype Obama style: Anderson not addressed still elusive
Joint Statement issued after the conclusion of U.S. - India Strategic Dialogue